Postmodernists do not believe there is a “single, universal analysis of what sex oppression consists of” and that sex oppression must be examined in context historically, socially, and culturally (Hackett 338)*. In practice, this means that unitary notions of identity are replaced with “plural and complexly constructed conceptions of social identity ” (Fraser qtd. in Hackett 351). To do this, postmodernists analyze discourse, or the “ideas, images and practices” that are associated with a “particular topic, social activity, or institutional site in society,” to discern how “power operates through ideas and representations” (Stuart Hall qtd. in Hesse-Biber 265). This deconstruction of language complicates the notion of identity and its usefulness while acknowledging how power resides within those categories. Overall, a strength of postmodernism is its overall goal. They seek to shift their “foundations from identity to one of the functions of oppression” that allows coalitions to form and dissolve around issues. This allows identity to be a result of “contesting those oppressions, rather than a precondition for involvement”. In other words, identity becomes an effect of political activism instead of a cause that is “fluid, rather than fixed” able to change with time (Wilchens 86).

Outside of language, in a world where our identities have physical and material implications, identities are often a source for mobilizing against oppression. Rooted in activism, politics of identity feminists generate their arguments from shared social identities opposed to shared values or party affiliations. They argue that “members of subordinated groups have a distinctive experience of injustice that is a valuable resource for challenging their marginalization and for establishing greater self-determination” (Hackett, 339). A strength in this approach is the solidarity that can emerge from the identity politics of shared experiences.

As a result of their opposing approaches, postmodernism and identity politics are often seen opposition to one another. For postmodernists gatekeeping, or defining who is part of an identity group and who is not, is contradictory to liberation movements. Instead of liberating the identity one is fighting for, identity politics are “ fixing and stabilizing” identity “more firmly than before” (Wilchens 83). In turn, this creates normativities. Normatives are statements that “make claims about how things ought to be, or how they in general are” (Shotwell 141). However, postmodernism is critiqued by politics of identity for undermining feminist goals as it tends to remove a sense of community within feminism because it deconstructs identity groups (Frost qtd. in Hesse-Biber 51). Without a sense of what is a collective experience, feminists struggle to grasp how to move toward collective social and cultural change. As a result, envisioning unity across difference is often a speculative project for feminists; yet, authors like Alexis Shotwell, Sara Ahmed, and Chandra Mohanty, theorize open normativities of ethics, feminism, and Third World women to offer visions solidarity.

In this paper, I will explore Shotwell’s concept of open normativities as a form of postmodern identity politics. Next, I will analyze how Shotwell’s uses open normativies in her book Against Purity (2016) to advocate for an ethics that uses “practices of open normativies to pursue visions and practices hospitable for worlds to come, to determine what deserves a future” (Shotwell 163). I will then apply the concept of open normativities to Sara Ahmed’s understanding of feminism and womanhood in Living a Feminist Life (2017) and to Chandra Talpade Mohanty’s conception of Third World women in Feminism Without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity (2003). Then, I will analyze how viewing ethics, womanhood and feminism, and Third World women through the lens of open normativities enables us to think through a postmodern identity politic providing a roadmap for collective action and solidarity.

Alexis Shotwell, advocates for an ethical and political response that refutes purity politics which believes that a return to before harm is possible in her book, Against Purity: Living Ethically in Compromised Times. While Shotwell does not explicitly identify as a postmodern feminist, her critique of normativities lends itself well to the ideas of postmodernism. Shotwell addresses norms as “constrictive and restrictive” forces that limit “the range of subjectivities one might inhabit of sexuality and gender” (Shotwell 142). This postmodern critique of the gatekeeping that occurs when boundaries of normal and not normal are defined is important for Shotwell; however, Shotwell is careful to not throw away normativies completely (Shotwell 144). Attentive to how normativities, in the context of oppression, force people to conform to whiteness, able-bodiedness, wealth, and/or straightness Shotwell concurs with the claims queer and postmodern theorists that normativities tend to be harmful. However, she is critical of how queer and postmodern theorists have predominantly made normativity “synonymous with ‘bad,’” and argues we need normanitivies. If we toss normativities completely, how do queers and feminists talk about the norms they want to make (Shotwell 143)? Conceptually, normativies are “the process by which people claim that a given way of being is good or beautiful, or to be endorsed,” where there can be any number of ways of being (Shotwell 143). Shotwell sees a clear distinction between supporting a way of being and forcing people to live that way as conceptually normativies are nonrestrictive. In turn, Shotwell advocates for open normativities in order “for finding our bearings even in the process of working to change the world” (Shotwell 154).  

Open normativities offer an alternative to how we understand normativities now. Simply, open normativities name “those normativities that prioritize flourishing and tend toward proliferation, not merely replacing one norm with another” (Shotwell 155). Flourishing, in this sense, is the goal of open normativities. In the context of oppression, normativities contribute to death and degradation when people fall outside of the current norms, but open normativies recognize and push limits that broaden participation in a normative resulting in liberation and flourishing. As lives become welcomed into normativies they move closer to the norm and consequently farther from death. Here, Shotwell offers a code of ethics in an attempt to address how to resist oppression by promoting flourishing. Acting morally, in her definition, is “holding in view how one’s actions open or close down the possibilities for others to unfurl their possibilities…” because our freedom is entangled and created in conjunction with other’s freedom (Shotwell 131). This code of ethics, as a result, is only successful in collaboration, as our freedom and, in turn, our flourishing- is dependent on other’s ability to be free and flourish.

Additionally, she is also is critical of the boundaries set within norms she calls for in her ethics. How we define groups, in this case, and who is allowed to flourish and have a future, must be critically examined. This code of ethics through the lens of open normativities, for Shotwell, does not have to mean completely new ways of being for flourishing to occur. Recognizing that we exist in a world with material implications, open normativities allows for ways of being, identities that have been suppressed, to exist as a way to promote flourishing. Our ways of being can reference marginalized traditions that are subordinate to current dominant and oppressive norms making room for them to exist and thrive (Shotwell 160). As a result, mobilizing around marginalized identities is still an option within open normativities as long as it is attentive to gatekeeping.

Beyond ethics, Shotwell’s claims that within almost any writing on sex and/or gender-based oppression and resistance will tend to be references to normativities (Shotwell 143). “To be queer and feminist,” to Shotwell, “is to resist norms” that are oppressive (Shotwell 143). Sara Ahmed, feminist scholar and activist, offers a look into this feminist resistance against norms in her book Living a Feminist Life. In her text, Ahmed views feminism as a work in progress where becoming “a feminist is to stay a student” (Ahmed 11). Part of feminism being a work in progress has been defining the normativity of women that feminism advocates for. Ahmed argues against the current normativity of women included within feminism. In order to do this, Ahmed acknowledges that throughout the history of feminism, Black and lesbian women had to “insist on being women before they became part of the feminist conversation” (Ahmed 234). Ahmed uses this example of how feminism historically was extremely white and heterosexual to propel her next argument for the inclusion of trans women. She claims, “Trans women have to insist on being women” so often in the face of violence, that for her, an anti-trans stance is to be anti-feminist (Ahmed 234). Ahmed supports her claim by stating it a “feminist project” to create worlds that dismantle the worlds that support “gender fatalism (boys will be boys, girls with be girls)” (Ahmed 234). Worlds of gender fatalism are deadly, not only in determining how cisgender women are supposed to be, but also for how trans women are supposed to exist or not exist.

Ahmed’s concept of women included in feminism presented is a form of an open normativity. Reflecting on how feminism has opened or closed down possibilities, Ahmed advocates for trans womanhood to be a valid way of being included in feminism (Shotwell 131). Noting the violence trans women face, Ahmed brings them into the conversation to promote their survival and flourishing. Importantly, she does not advocate that everyone has to live their life as trans, but simply notes it is a supported way of being. Here, Ahmed has made the space of womanhood in feminist more open and inclusive while also still working from a place of identity politics. Ahmed’s identity politics acknowledges that “if gender norms operate to create a narrow idea of how” women should be-white, small, not labored, delicate- then those who “who understand themselves as women, who sign up to being women, will be deemed not women” (Ahmed 234). For Ahmed, if feminism is not open to multiple ways of being a woman then women cannot mobilize.

However, Sara Ahmed is not the only feminist using forms of open normativities in her feminism. Chandra Mohanty in her book, Feminism Without Borders: Decolonizing Theory, Practicing Solidarity, argues for a decolonization of the construction of Third World women by Western feminists to promote for “women of different communities and identities to build coalitions and solidarity across borders” (Mohanty 226). According to Mohanty, the term “Third World” refers not only to “geographical location and sociohistorical conjunctures” but also includes “minority peoples or people of color in the United States” (Mohanty 44). Establishing this identity group is crucial for Mohanty’s claims about who holds epistemic privilege for visions of justice and decolonization. In this sense, Mohanty can be read as arguing for identity politics due to her defending that the most “disenfranchised communities of women” are more likely to envision justice as they have the “most inclusive viewing of systemic power” (Mohanty 232). It is in this identity that Mohanty sees a potential in “demystifying capitalism and for envisioning transborder” justice (Mohanty 250). This social positionality serves as a resource for these women to mobilize against the experiences of injustice. By including women of color from affluent and/or Western nations in her definition of Third World women, Mohanty is opening space to recognize the difference of inequality that exists within this identity (Mohanty 116).

As a result, while Mohanty does not use the term open normativities, she is engaging in this concept by making room for women who often are lumped into the category of Western women who have their struggles erased in a global context. Hesitant to make her language static, Mohanty is critical of her own language choices in advocating for this identity. For her, our language is still imprecise and inadequate where she can only use what best captures what she is trying to say (Mohanty 225). Mohanty demonstrates this by revisiting her language choice of Third World versus First World women from her first chapter, to looking at using words such as One-Third and Two-Thirds World or North/South in her last chapter. This hesitancy shows that this category is fluid and able to change to make room for others as open normativities do. Notedly, Mohanty notes this should not be confused with “universal sisterhood” which “erases material and ideological power differences within and among groups of women” (Mohanty 116). In this identity, attentiveness to difference is key for Mohanty as she is concerned with the material, historical, and political power with this group.

By seeing Mohanty’s definition of Third World women, Ahmed’s visions of womanhood in feminism, and Shotwell’s code of ethics through the lens of open normativities it enables us to think through a postmodern identity politic providing us roadmap for collective action and solidarity in today’s world. Fluid and ever-changing, Mohanty’s identity of Third world women through the lens of open normativities creates room for marginalized identities from around the globe to unite. Aware of shifting language and understanding, but also to material implications, Mohanty draws on both postmodernism and identity politics to advocate for her goals. Her postmodern identity politics guides us to understand the collectivity of a group while also noticing the differences of power, history, and politics that exist simultaneously.  

In Ahmed’s visions of womanhood in feminism, she too is attentive to language and how it has been a barrier for those who are included in feminism. Who has been considered “woman enough” has been a defining factor in the subject of feminist advocacy and for Ahmed we cannot stop at including Black and lesbian women. She insists on the inclusion of trans womanhood as a womanhood that should be valued in feminism. This attentiveness to the gatekeeping that has occurred lends itself to postmodern identity politics as Ahmed acknowledges how if we define woman narrowly then people who identify or are deemed women will not be considered women. For Ahmed, this is crucial in the future of mobilizing for feminists causes collectively.

Ethically, Shotwell addresses how gatekeeping can act as a way to push people into the margins, to mark their way of life as non-normative and thus closer to death. This postmodern critique of identity politics, however, does not cause Shotwell to completely reject identity. Identity itself is entangled for Shotwell with others’ identities which are situated in a world of normativities. By “finding our bearings” in identity, particularly open normative identities, Shotwell believes we can engage in the “process of working to change the world” (Shotwell 154). Inspired by Robert McRuer, Shotwell calls for a politic that “acknowledges the complex and contradictory histories of our various movements, drawing on and learning from those histories rather than transcending them” (McRuer qtd. in Shotwell 171). Rather than foregoing identity completely, her attentiveness to material implications of oppression allows for mobilization around identity as a way to promote flourishing while also being attentive to how language shapes that flourishing in this postmodern identity politics.  

In retrospect, while all three authors’ different arguments can be seen through the lens of open normativities they all are promoting visions of solidarity. Mohanty gives us transnational solidarity based on the “recognition of common interests” of decolonizing work where we can aim to move from “essentialist notions of Third World feminists struggles” (Mohanty 7). Ahmed’s call for feminist solidarity where “we keep each other up” and “loosen the requirements to be in a world” makes “room for others to be” (Ahmed 232). Additionally, Shotwell offers us a praxis that is situated in the present, but is working toward speculative futures of recognizing and mobilizing around our own interdependence-socially, materially, and biologically- which co-constitutes our freedoms (Shotwell 172). In turn, these authors give us roadmaps of how to manifest unification in a world that has become divided by race, political parties, borders, gender, and class. Perhaps it is here, in the open normativies of identity that political action will unite those who often are seen in opposition.

Notes

*Note, postmodernism does not apply solely to ending sex oppression, it can be any type of oppression. This quote just happened to use the example of sex oppression.

(May 2018)

Works Cited

Ahmed, Sara. Living a Feminist Life. Duke University Press, 2017.

Hackett, Elizabeth, and Sally Haslanger. Theorizing Feminisms. Oxford University Press, 2006.

Mohanty, Chandra Talpade. Feminism Without Borders Decolonizing Theory, Practicing

     Solidarity. Duke University Press, 2003.

Shotwell, Alexis. Against Purity: Living Ethically in Compromised Times. University of

    Minnesota Press, 2016.

Wilchins, Riki Anne. Read My Lips: Sexual Subversion and the End of Gender. Firebrand Books,

    1997.

After compiling the results, the University of Missouri defined zero waste as “‘designing and managing products and processes to systematically avoid and eliminate the volume and toxicity of waste and materials’” which they sought to compost or recycle ninety percent of that waste. To achieve this goal the university set six action goals this year: donate unsold food, switch materials that were not compostable or recyclable, understand food demand, reduce the use of red meat, have more recycling bins, and education for attendees (Sossamon).

In light of this research, I am curious as to how effective the University of Missouri’s plan will be. Over the next football season, Mizzou will need to repeat their research to see their effectiveness and implementation. Additionally, I am curious on what impact the educational component will hold. How will the university complete education? Will they use posters and will the posters be accessible to those who first language is not English and/or those who do not hold a high school diploma or GED? How many categories will they recycle? Will they recycle grocery bags and plastics one through seven? Several questions linger in regards to Mizzou’s plan, but regardless one must start somewhere.

In regards to the quality of the article itself, the source is credible, as it comes out of an academic institution. Consequently, the language of greenhouse gases, toxic waste, and audits are beyond the common layperson; thus they are inaccessible. Granted, the article also includes a video explaining the research to alleviate some of the academic jargon and reach those who may be visually impaired.

(February 2018)

Works Cited

Brock, P. “NCAA Football Attendance.” NCAA.org – The Official Site of the NCAA, NCAA, 12

     Apr. 2017, www.ncaa.org/championships/statistics/ncaa-football-attendance. Accessed 4 Sept. 2017.

Sossamon, Jeff. “News Bureau, University of Missouri.” MU News Bureau Atom, 30 Aug. 2017,

     nbsubscribe.missouri.edu/news-releases/2017/0830-mu-study-reveals-ways-in-which-colle

     giate-sports-venues-can-move-beyond-zero-waste/. Accessed 4 Sept. 2017.

As a result, the impacts of pollution not only affected the fish but the people who survived off them. At the turn of the century, twenty-five percent of the value of commercial fisheries existed within the river. Despite this, the introduction of sewage fueled the growth of organisms that eventually depleted dissolved oxygen levels. Starting in 1957, researchers started to monitor the fish populations more carefully extending their research from Chicago down the Mississippi. Their methods also included stunning the fish to easily capture and identify them. The complexity of this issue would fail to be completely understood for another fifteen years.

Moving forward to 1972, Richard Sparks joined the team of researchers where he found appalling devastation. Fish were missing fins and eyes along with a multitude of diseases and cancers. Luckily, in the same year, Congress passed the Clean Water Act which provided federal regulations to waterways. With three billion dollars being allocated toward preventing runoff and sewage treatment plants, by 1980 Chicago had already lifted a burden of the dying ecosystem. In eight short years, the populations were at an all-time high since the beginning of the century. Subsequently, scientists were finding less and less carp and goldfish which are non-native pollution-tolerant fish. Despite the sports fish rebound, they still faced invasive species, fertilizer runoff, and chemical leaching from cities and families’ homes. Researchers continue to monitor the delicate balance of human interaction and species survival.

In light of this story, one can easily see the correlation between habitat clean up and a population of species. I imagine numerous stories exists in this nature across the country and have the potential to do something quite remarkable. For those who do not see federal environmental regulation as important or necessary one can reach a proportion of this population-those who hunt or fish. Competitive or casual fishers depend on the health of an ecosystem to enjoy their livelihood and by marketing regulation as a means of protecting the sport perhaps more would jump on the environmental bandwagon. This concept, while not revolutionary, has been proven to work in my own experiences I had over the summer with my internship. By connecting energy to hunting, we were able to make a large seemingly untouchable concept have consequences in someone’s leisure and daily life. All in all, how we market and portray environmental success could be the future of environmental reporting to shape environmental support.

(October 2017 )

Works Cited

Yates, Diana. “Illinois sportfish recovery a result of 1972 Clean Water Act, scientists report.” News

     Bureau, Environmental News Network, 18 Oct. 2017, news.illinois.edu/blog/view/6367/568319.

Economically, the impact of the future is uncertain. Farmers are unable to discern how crops with yield next year, but what they do know is a forty-six thousand employee industry has lost all of this year’s yield and investment. Estimates place the total loss of fifty to sixty percent; however, Hunt stays optimistic accrediting it to the resilience of citrus growers. McEvers asks Hunt about the loss of interest in orange juice and disease infections, but Hunt just replies with optimism (Florida’s Citrus Groves Hit Hard By Hurricane Irma).

While this is not the first devastating event in an agricultural sector I worry for these farmers. Traditionally, farmers receive economic assistance from the federal government, but with continued disinterest, in disaster relief, I fear farmers will be left on their own to recover from losing their entire source of income. Moreover, forty-six thousand people will be impacted with the no crops to harvest. These individuals are often immigrants with no governmental support and already face difficulties finding work, proper pay, and economic stability. Additionally, I worry about the future stability of crops. Future crop yields producing lower amounts will drive prices up in a market that has lost an interest in products such as orange juice. Furthermore, it is clear that climate change has forever changed the patterns of storms and hurricanes that hit Florida. What will future farmers and farm workers do in the case of multiple storms in one year such as we have already seen? What will become of farmers and farmworkers if back to back yearly crops are lost due to severe hurricanes? I can only hope that the optimism of citrus farmers keeps them adaptable to shift as the result of the impacts of climate change induced superstorms.

(February 2018)

Works Cited

“Florida’s Citrus Groves Hit Hard By Hurricane Irma.” NPR, NPR, 21 Sept. 2017,

     www.npr.org/2017/09/21/552708262/floridas-citurs-groves-hit-hard-by-hurricane-irma. Accessed 27 Sept. 2017.

The first image appears with the telling of a creation story where the narrator proclaims, “The First Woman became First Mother and had many children. She called them her rainbow family,” which would regather if First Mother needed protection. Without delay, the narrator then brings in the audience as a part of the rainbow family with her as an image of a rainbow is shown. Throughout the film, images of kinship continue to form in unexpected ways. In particular, the film cuts repeatedly to scenes of the narrator around a table of women, not unlike consciousness-raising circles of the early feminist movements, where discussions of how they are both, queer and heteronormative families are impacted by climate change, patriarchy, and faith. Despite these queer kinship models, they only mention the gender binary’s impact on faith. I imagine contentions would arise around discussions of non-binary individuals as connectedness through images of the vagina and menstruation are used as symbols of power. Nevertheless, the testimonies of these cisgender women act as a bond of kinship through their similar experiences despite different faiths. The narrator builds on this to progress the film, telling her own personal spiritual journey where she provides details of her own changing thoughts. She utilizes this to conclude the film with the realization that, “One truth stands out, no matter who we are or where we live we all stand on common ground,” which is coupled with the image of the rainbow again.

Furthering the interconnectedness of goddess traditions, background music emphasizes the individual accounts of the women. With each different account told, music with string, wind, and drum influences play. Additionally, the same occurs with the narrator’s explanation of history around goddess figures or the environment. Consequently, the choice to play similar types of music during discussions of different topics emphasizes the mutual importance and relationship of the topics. In contention, however, the only perspectives brought forth are those who concur that women’s spirituality is a powerful force.

While kinship and music enhance ties between women’s spirituality, the audience is invited to draw their own conclusions through open landscapes scattered through the film. These scenes typically feature natural background sounds and allow for a pause after an ideology is proposed. A majority of these scenes feature oceans or fields and pose a feeling of vastness in the world. This intervention allows the viewer to value their own experiences. Consequently, this allows the film’s idea of the “personal is political and the political is personal” to be felt not only by those interviewed but those watching to come full circle to the idea we are all connected. Inherently, this allows for pushback on the lack of discussion around gender and those who disagree as one can reflect on their own opinions of the women without bias.  

    All in all, this film introduces a unique perspective on how identifiable differences can be brought forth to find similarities within women’s spiritually, a topic often left out of mainstream discussions. It offers a multitude of perspectives, which illustrates how faith can influence the political platform of an individual while also being attentive to the viewer. While I recommend the film for these highlights, I do wish there was more dialogue around ideas that push back against the women’s spirituality movement seeing as the only male perspective agreed wholeheartedly with the power of the goddess-centered faiths. Additionally, gender is seen as a binary and is inattentive to those who fall outside that spectrum. Granted, for the time frame, this film provides genuine insight into the political lives of women spiritualists.

(February 2017)

Works Cited

“Full Circle (1993).” IMDb. IMDb.com, n.d. Web. 28 Feb. 2017.

    Throughout the film, messages of the life cycle circulate, but beyond that, the film includes a cycle of imagery. Opening with an image of a dancing woman holding two snake figurines followed by the narrator stating, “the spiritual journey of Earth’s people started with a goddess”, the film features her rising with powerful music in the background. This image continues throughout the film, but shifts to her as figurine until the end where she appears again. This shift in the type of image follows the narrator’s claims that women were once revered but now are dominated by a “sky god” and patriarchy. Yet, at the end of the film, the woman appears again in flesh as the women discuss the return of goddess worship.

    Alongside these images, reproduction cycles run rampant. Every figurine that is shown of the woman and other art collections throughout the film feature images of the vulva or pubic triangle. The gynocentrism of these images is furthered as accounts of these women are shared. One woman goes so far as to claim that she “did not understand womanhood” until she had given birth and that part of the reproductive cycle connected her to every woman throughout time. Additionally, as these women explore history, they speak of efforts to reclaim their power through their bodies because of incidences like the story of Athena. They see the shift in her being the goddess of wisdom to war as a product of male dominance and that her birth from Zeus’ head was the cause. These women seek to unveil these influences of patriarchy through their connection back to the land and the moon, but this connection, in turn, is exclusive. Reproduction is not a qualifier to be a woman. The reclamation through one’s body becomes problematic when determining womanhood when one has atypical anatomy, chooses not to have children, is trans*, is infertile, or does not engage in heterosexual sex.

    Furthermore, those who do not fit neatly into the gender binary’s normative behaviors or expressions of gender are further excluded from the reclamation of women’s spirituality as their foundations are built on interconnectedness. Restoration of their spirituality to these women is “listening to the natural rhythms”, the worship of nature and fertility, and their inherent ability to menstruate. These connections to Earth through their bodies is highlighted by images of caves which are claimed to be vulva shaped openings covered in red okra, the symbol of blood. This connection continues with stories of wonders influenced by the goddess throughout time found through cave drawings, pottery, and statues. Consequently, these women see their reconnection with nature as connecting back to the “nurturing” and the internal way of being. Universalizing women to being nurturing, fertile, and connected to the Earth erases the rich diversity of what womanhood is while additionally limiting their own practice to women who fit this particular mold. Interestingly enough, these self-proclaimed feminists further ideas of biological determinism through their essentialization of themselves to be inherently nurturing.

    All in all, this film introduces an unique perspective of how identifiable differences can be diminished within women’s spiritually. It brings into question what true womanhood is and how we can connect through spirituality. Despite the inherent lack of intersectionality, I recommend the film. In retrospect the film is a product of its time; however, it is a great example of how those who are oppressed by the patriarchy are attempting to push back upon it. Additionally, it provides an example of how the universalization and essentialization of women limits the scope of a movement.

(April 2017)

Works Cited

BabyradfemTV. “NFB Women and Spirituality series Part 1: Goddess Remembered.” Online video

    clip. Youtube. Youtube. 9 June 2016. Web. 6 April 2017.

As a result of the TVA Act 1933, which aimed to manage flood control of the Tennessee River and promote agricultural development of the Tennessee Valley, Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) was created. Since its creation, TVA has strived to maintain three E’s of its company: energy, environment, and economic development. In regards to energy, TVA seeks to provide safe, clean, reliable, and affordable power. In regards to the environment, TVA aims to be stewards of the valley including flood control and recreation while economically investing in jobs for the region and keeping power bills low.

Throughout the Tennessee Valley, TVA acts as the producer of energy that powers the electricity used in homes, businesses, and other items in our daily lives through a series of hydroelectric dams, storage pump facilities, coal plants, and nuclear plants. This energy then goes through a system of local power companies that distribute power to the consumer. These local power companies vary throughout the region based on rural or municipal areas.

Energy Justice in Chattanooga

In a recent survey, ranking cities by their job availability and growth, Chattanooga ranked second only being bypassed by Nashville for the state of Tennessee. Growth within the city has been credited to Volkswagen, who “brought on about 1,000 employees” within the last year raising their total employee count to three thousand four hundred fifty.  The Scenic City ranked forty-third nationally in regards to their job market which takes into account “employment opportunities, growth, and outlook” (Pare). Last year, the city added five thousand nine hundred fifty jobs with an employment rate growing by two and a half percent (Flessner). While Chattanooga has prospered, this prosperity has not been shared across all residents in regards to housing.

Chattanooga residents within four key neighborhoods have experienced a decrease in affordable housing. These neighborhoods-Highland Park/Ridgedale, East Chattanooga, East Lake, and Alton Park- disproportionately host households that are paying more than thirty percent of their monthly income on housing costs which includes utilities. Eighteen percent of these low-income households are paying more than fifty percent of their income on housing. To put into perspective, the average income of these communities is twenty-three thousand two hundred eighty-seven dollars with approximately eleven thousand six hundred forty-three dollars going toward housing expenses. Consequently, this means that some families in these communities are spending upward of nine hundred seventy dollars per month on housing costs. In context, the median income of Chattanooga is thirty-six thousand six hundred eighty-three dollars which makes their rent affordability at nine hundred ninety-two dollars.

Beyond affordable housing, these communities additionally face an energy burden. In the winter months, these neighborhoods use forty-three percent more energy per square foot than the average household in Chattanooga. This energy burden is exacerbated by the type of homes residents are living in. Sixty-seven percent of households in Chattanooga were built before 1980 leaving them vulnerable to leaks and older building practices, yet these homes are eligible for existing weatherization programs. Households, however, often lack the upfront capital and/or knowledge regarding upgrade programs, investments, and basic home maintenance. This is especially difficult for aging in place homeowners.

In retrospect though, homeowners only account for approximately forty percent of the lowest income zip codes in Chattanooga. The vast majority of this population consists of renters which curate a wide range of challenges. As a renter, there exists a split incentive within energy efficiency investments between the renter and the landlord. The landlord does not pay the utility bill so there is no incentive for them to invest in cost-saving actions; additionally, for absentee landlords, they lack effective mechanisms to ensure basic necessities of a home are in working order such as the mechanical systems and hot water heaters. With limited legal actions existing for tenants along with most effective programs geared toward homeowners, renters often fall to the wayside. Despite this a large number of renters require some aid regarding housing cost,  with twenty-five percent of renters, three thousand two hundred thirty-four residents, severely burdened with fifty percent of their income going to housing and two thousand eight hundred thirty-two moderately burdened by paying between thirty and fifty percent of their monthly income toward housing. 

(July 18, 2017)

Works Cited

Bridging the Gap: Affordable Housing and Workforce Development Strategies. Rep. Washington,

    DC: National Resource Network, 2016. Print.

Flessner, Dave. “Consumers, businesses expect another year of growth in Chattanooga in 2017.”

     Timesfreepress.com. Times Free Press, 1 Jan. 2017. Web. 22 June 2017.

Pare, Mike. “Chattanooga among top Tennessee cities for jobs, survey says.” Timesfreepress.com.

     Times Free Press, 22 June 2017. Web. 22 June 2017.

     Chattanooga carries a heavy history involving coal dumping, starting with the Chattanooga Creek, just west of downtown. Companies such as Tennessee Products, Chattanooga Coke and Chemical, Riley Tar, and Southern Wood Piedmont filled the creek with “millions of pounds with coal tar” before environmental legislation existed. By 1995, the EPA listed the creek as a national priority and had already sectioned off part of the creek to prevent public access as it flows through “low-income and minority” communities. Short-term cleaning occurred in 1998 and seven years later a long-term clean-up was established to remove sediment and place it in a landfill (Site Information for Tennessee Products). A time frame of five years cost the federal government twenty-five million dollars and taxpayers “several million dollars” which still did not completely solve the problem (Sohn).

     What is the relationship between the Chattanooga Creek and the Stream Protection Rule? It is evident throughout Chattanooga’s history that the lack of environmental legislation has been costly. If the fact that your taxes could be going to something else, such as education or infrastructure instead of cleaning up after a huge company, does not bother you enough then consider the cost on life when polluting a creek goes beyond the life within it. It negatively impacts communities and their health, but if you are still thinking, “I do not live next to the creek,” or “I am not sick,” then take a moment. To this day, the Tennessee government states that fish should not be eaten out of the creek and contact with the water of the Chattanooga Creek itself should be avoided due to chlordane and PCBs, but what are these chemicals and why do they matter (United States of America)? Both chlordane and PCB, polychlorinated biphenyls, are man-made chemicals which cause damage to nervous, digestive, immune, reproductive, and endocrine systems (Learn about Polychlorinated Biphenyls (PCBs), Substance Portal-Chlordane).

     More often than not, these chemicals result in cancer. Exposure to these chemicals through build up in the fatty tissues of fish or being in the creek affects at risk populations such as women who may become pregnant, those who are pregnant, elderly, and children (Contaminants in Fish). With the creek flowing through low socioeconomic areas, this presents the question of how do those who are most impacted afford treatment if exposed? Not including health insurance premiums, medication and chemotherapy for cancer can range from ten to thirty thousand per month (Glover). Additionally, with Chattanooga having one of the “fastest rates of ‘gentrification’” minorities are being moved at an alarming rate to areas such as those around the Chattanooga Creek (Walton). With the overturning of the Stream Protection Rule, Chattanoogans lose protection over the nine bodies of water alone within the Chattanooga limits (City Of Chattanooga). If dumping is not carefully regulated soon every Chattanoogan will feel it’s devastating effects through its exposure to chemicals along with costs on human life and medical expenses.

     So, how can we keep the Scenic City, scenic? Here are four things one can do now and in the long term. First, call, email, and speak to our representatives. Our elected officials work for us and depend on our votes. Congressional representatives and senators can be found here along with their contact information. Tennessee state representatives and senators can be found here. A collective group of tips for making the most out of your call can be found here. Second, find a local organization working toward environmental justice. Groups like Green Spaces work toward education and advocacy for advancing the “sustainability of living, working, and building in Chattanooga” (What We Do). They are looking for volunteers and do outreach education to Chattanooga’s low-income areas and if volunteering is not your thing, they are always willing to receive donations. Are you a social butterfly? Take to the streets with the next election to canvas for a candidate that supports environmental protection laws. Last, but most important, vote. Through each vote we have the opportunity to voice our opinion to our government and more often times than not, we also speak for those who cannot vote including our future generations, our children, and those who cannot make it out to vote due to lack of access to transportation or voting laws. Chattanooga is in the hands of those who act. How will you choose to?

March 20, 2017

Works Cited

“City Of Chattanooga.” City Of Chattanooga. City of Chattanooga, n.d. Web. 06 Feb. 2017.

“Contaminants in Fish.” Contaminants in Fish – TN.Gov. Tennessee Department of Environmental and  

Conservation, n.d. Web. 02 Feb. 2017.

Geuss, Megan. “Relaxing coal pollution, methane flaring rules: This week in Congress.” Ars Technica.

Ars Technica , 02 Feb. 2017. Web. 06 Feb. 2017.

Glover, Lacie. “Oncologists Worry About Rising Costs of Cancer Treatment.” U.S. News Health Care.  

U.S. News, 1 July 2015. Web. 4 Feb. 2017.

“Learn about Polychlorinated Biphenyls (PCBs).” EPA. Environmental Protection Agency, 15 Sept. 2016

Web. 04 Feb. 2017.

“Regulations.gov.” Regulations.gov. U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, 20 Dec. 2016. Web. 06

Feb. 2017.

“Site Information for Tennessee Products.” EPA. Environmental Protection Agency, 20 Feb. 2014.

Web. 06 Feb. 2017.

<https://cumulis.epa.gov/supercpad/cursites/dsp_ssppSiteData1.cfm?id=0403765>.

Sohn, Pam. “Chattanooga Creek still threatened.” Timesfreepress.com. Times Free Press, 12 Nov. 2010

Web. 03 Feb. 2017.

“Substance Portal-Chlordane.” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Centers for Disease

Control and Prevention, 21 Jan. 2015. Web. 04 Feb. 2017.

United States of America. Food and Drug Administration and Environmental Protection Agency.

Technical Information on Development of Fish Consumption Advice . By Amy D. Kyle, Emily Oken, and

Andrew E. Smith. N.p.: n.p., 2016. Print.

Walton, Judy. “Census data notes racial shifts in Chattanooga neighborhoods.” Timesfreepress.com.

Critiques

     If such a coalition is to be formed it must be careful to avoid the tenets of ecofeminism that ultimately led to its demise: universalism and essentialism. To understand these tenets one must first understand the primary types of ecofeminism: socialist and cultural. Notably, both of these facets of ecofeminism address the means of enacting social change, yet their means of doing so differ. Socialist ecofeminists use the destruction of nature as a result of capitalism to show how economic systems are environmentally destructive (Carlassare 92). Socialist ecofeminists argue that materialism is the force behind positive change within society (Carlassare 93). On the other hand, cultural ecofeminism focuses on manifesting change through “changes in culture and consciousness” which can be attributed to the creation of myths and language to reclaim women’s history and spirituality (Carlassare 95).

     As a result of the core values of ecofeminism, it has been critiqued for culturally appropriating indigenous cultures, essentializing and universalizing womanhood. By “reclaiming” indigenous people’s cultures through faith, myths and language, the homogeneous, white ecofeminist movement further suppressed and erased native cultures. Thus, by associating people of color with nature ecofeminism essentialized race. This “racial essentialism” romanticizes brown skin by associating it with “‘indigenous’ spiritualities” (Sturgeon 264). Consequently, ecofeminists utilized the parts of others’ cultures without including them into the conservation eliminating the voices of those of color and generalizing people of color’s opinions.

     Outside of race, cultural ecofeminists have been heavily critiqued for their use of essentialism where they embrace stereotypes associated with women through biological determinism. These stereotypes perpetuate that women are inherently intuitive, caring, nurturing, and emotional (Carlassare 95). Socialist ecofeminism contributes to this as well as it values “reproduction over production, both as a category of analysis and as a social and economic goal” (Carlassare 93). As a result, these stereotypes have alienated a wide variety of people including those who are not cisgendered women, those who fall outside the gender binary, women who do not hold these personality traits, and those whose anatomy is incapable of reproduction.

     Furthermore, those who do not fit neatly into the gender binary’s normative behaviors or expressions of gender are further excluded from the reclamation of women’s spirituality as their foundations are built on interconnectedness. Restoration of their spirituality, to ecofeminists, is “listening to the natural rhythms”, the worship of nature and fertility, and their inherent ability to menstruate. Consequently, ecofeminists see their reconnection with nature as connecting back to the “nurturing” and the internal way of being (Goddess Remembered 1989). Universalizing women to being nurturing, fertile, and connected to the Earth and each other erases the rich diversity of what womanhood is. Additionally, this is limiting to their own practice by reducing it to women who fit this particular mold. Interestingly enough, these self-proclaimed feminists further ideas of biological determinism through their essentialization of themselves to be inherently nurturing.

Attention to Faith

     These pitfalls ultimately led ecofeminism to decline in popularity after the 1970’s; however, before one can explore how the ecofeminist model provides a means to revolutionize current movements, one must understand another aspect which pushed ecofeminism away from mainstream feminism: faith. Often, ecofeminism is associated with earth-based spirituality as it seeks change through “personal transformation and changes in consciousness” (Carlassare 90). This association has been primary evidence by feminist academics of how essentializing and apolitical ecofeminism was, but this critique fails to address how faith informs individuals’ political actions (Gaard 39). Starhawk, a major contributor to the cultural ecofeminist movement, argues in her essay, “Feminists, Earth-based Spirituality and Ecofeminism” that “Earth-based spirituality influences ecofeminism by informing its values” (Starhawk 175). She presents three aspects of Earth-based spiritual practices that “can resurge in new cycles of political momentum” which includes immanence, interconnection, and compassion. These values “shift our definition of power,” “furnish the basis for our political understandings,” and help us “develop alliances with those whose interests and issues parallel ours” (Starhawk 177-181). Starhawk calls for coalition politics to not only complete “short-term bandages” but to also “support long-term recovery” so that there can be a political agenda enlightened by all issues (Starhawk 181). Through Starhawk’s work it is evident that faith plays a major role in why people take political action.  

     Understanding how exactly earth-based spirituality influences individuals provides the model that will change mainstream movements today. Paganism, a collection of non-Christian faiths that are collectively unified through their connection to the Earth and values for balance, reverence for life, and interconnectedness, was a major faith followed by ecofeminists. Centered around a goddess, many used their beliefs to support their activism. In a 2012 study, completed by Gwendolyn Reece, out of three thousand three hundred eighteen self-identified pagan respondents, fifty-five percent claimed that social justice work was a part of their spiritual practice. On the same note, forty-seven percent identified that political activism was a part of their faith (Reece 45-46). More important to note is the fact that each individual that responded manifests their political action in a different way, but they do it as a result of similarly held beliefs.

    The rich history of Paganism has led to multiple divisions among practitioners. Major sects of Paganism today include Wicca, Druidry, and Hellenism which inherently hold similar morals, but uphold them in various ways. Similarly, Ecofeminism contains a vast array of different influences due to the variety of earth-based practices that influence its means to best effect social change; however, ecofeminists are innately striving to dismantle oppression and end environmental destruction (Carlassare 89, 95). Reece’s data demonstrates this connection between paganism and political actions, more importantly, it demonstrates empirically that even among groups of extreme diversity within their own faiths that they are unified overall in their core beliefs. This attention to faith brought forth by ecofeminism provides a model for current environmental efforts to acknowledge that individuals have different motivations and beliefs, but collectively are fighting for the same goal.

Interconnectedness

Additionally, ecofeminism’s values of interconnectedness provides a means for the longevity of a movement by providing a form of analysis that is attentive to the interrelationships of oppression. Stemming from paganism, interconnectedness is the “ability to feel with and identify with others-human beings, natural cycles and processes, animals, and plants” (Starhawk 178). Interconnectedness, presented by Starhawk, a major cultural ecofeminist, is the foundation which fuels political understanding, but those who are in power seek to prevent us from seeing these connections (179-180). Once one sees the interconnectedness of the world one can see that political issues are not insuperable but are actually a connected in a web (Starhawk 179). This value of ecofeminism provides a lense for us to see our focuses may divide us “from those who might be our allies” if we “other” those who are different from us (Starhawk 180).

Understanding that we are all connected, through means of oppression or culture, presents us with an approach that can seek to tackle the interlocking web of domination. Consequently, interconnectedness can bring forth compassion. Once one understands our inherent connectedness through mutual oppression, we can begin to see the “multifaceted views of the world” and see problems “in their true complexity” (Starhawk 180). The awareness created by understanding the relationship between people, plants, animals, and nature contributes to our understanding of our individual actions affect those not directly in front of us. This model allows for collaboration that expands past individuals and allows them to form relationships that are stronger on a local, national, and global level. If we can understand how individual actions, in turn, affect those beyond us and can mobilize around this concept, the current environmental movement will be able to communicate its demands of protecting those disproportionately impacted who have the least say more effectively to elicit change.

Agential Earth and Nondualism

     This mobilization must also be attentive to the idea that the Earth has agency to fully understand that if we continue to disregard this idea, we further the logic of domination. Ecofeminists hold a nondualistic worldview which is the way “of conceptually organizing the world in binary, disjunctive terms, wherein each side of the dualism is “seen as exclusive (rather than inclusive) and oppositional (rather than complimentary), and where higher value or superiority is attributed to one disjunct (or, side of the dualism) than the other” (Gaard 115-116). Ecofeminists understand this notion and believe that the superiority of self is a result of viewing the differences between the self and others (Gaard 116). Consequently, due to seeing oneself as intertwined with the Earth, Ecofeminists believe that if one believes that they are “at odds” with nature or if one is trying to exploit it for its resources then they see only the differences with nature and not their shared connections furthering the domination over the natural world (Starhawk 178).

     Seeing the Earth with agency acknowledges our “ability to create dysfunctional relationships with the earth, with our ecological community, and with each other” by acknowledging that the earth continues on with or without humans (Ruether 147). If we continue to ignore this facet then the current environmental movement continues to use its privilege of intelligence. This privilege is one that allows humans to “alienate and dominate the world without concern for the welfare of all other forms of life” (Ruether 147-148). To begin to understand this privilege however we must first address how we subject other humans as lesser before we can restore value to nature. We equate marginalized people with nature such as people of color, women, and people of developing countries through dualistic thinking. While the environmental justice movement seeks to dismantle the oppression affecting marginalized people it fails to acknowledge the earth as one of those subjects. We must acknowledge the earth as an oppressed figure or we do nothing to acknowledge our dualistic thinking as we then choose a living being to be lesser.

Conclusion

     Overall, the falling out of ecofeminism due to essentialism, universalism, and appropriation have been justly critiqued; however, revisiting ecofeminism to understand how nondualism, interconnectedness, and the incorporation of faith within a movement can enhance the current environmental justice movement to aid in its longevity, inclusion, and effectiveness. Moving forward, current environmental groups must incorporate an ecofeminist line of thinking to bring forth change. The environmental justice movement must go beyond seeking justice just for human beings, but for the earth as well or it is hypocritical to say it is working to support the “social needs of human populations” (Pellow and Brulle 3). Humans are inherently tied to the ecological systems and processes of the earth.

     To help further understanding of an agential earth, the environmental justice movement must see our lives interconnected within and outside our species. Our actions affect more than just the human race. This value will protect the longevity of the movement as it allows us to understand who our allies are and that political issues are not separate from each other. This allows for collective organizing and support at the local, national, and global levels.

     In turn, however, while a national platform is a powerful unifier, it does not change the lives of those affected directly at an individual level. By creating a movement with a uniform identity that allows for the expression of individual’s beliefs and practices manifests a truly intersectional approach as it provides a platform for those from all intersections of identity to participate in whatever means they are capable. Acknowledging the different motivations such as faith within the environmental movement consequently will allow for a larger understanding that faith is not apolitical. Faith informs the thoughts and actions of many individuals and as environmental activists acknowledge this they can rally people from what motivates them best. This is not to say the environmental activism movement must be religious, but it must acknowledge that faith as a motivation to be attentive to individual communities.

     Ecofeminism, a model of the past, ultimately demonstrates key values that the environmental justice movement needs to take on to progress with support effectively over time. Climate change is not going to reverse itself or be fixed; yet, we must come together to combat the social stratifications that will occur as a result. Social, economic, and policy changes cannot occur without an overwhelming congregation of people tackling the issue of the future of the environment. Revisiting and applying parts ecofeminism to today holds the key to the future of activism.

(Spring 2017)

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