For extra credit in my BUS-202 class, I wrote a short paper about the communication exchange in a scene from Mean Girls. The paper is short, sweet, and well-written, as well as fun!

Mean Girls and the Breakdown of Communication: an Analysis

In the 2004 film Mean Girls, there is a famous scene in which the Plastics: Regina George, Cady Heron, Karen Smith, and Gretchen Wieners conduct a four-way phone call rife with gossip, name-calling, and faux-friendship of the most famous frenemies in cinema history. The film, written by comedy queen Tina Fey, was created to highlight the complex relationships between teenage girls in America’s school system. The film draws inspiration from the book Queen Bees and Wannabes: Helping Your Daughter Survive Cliques, Gossip, Boys, and the New Realities of Girl World, a psychological self-help book written by Rosalind Wiseman.

The two-minute scene begins with a conversation between Regina and Cady, gossiping about their friend Gretchen. The film reveals that Gretchen has been listening to Regina gossip about her. Gretchen, leaving Cady listening on the other line, then calls Karen to expose what Regina said about Karen. However, before she can talk to Karen, Regina calls Karen to ask her to go out, even though she told Cady she was going to bed. Gretchen then reveals to Karen that Regina called her a slut, to which Cady responds to the ‘harshness’ of the revelation. Karen, offended by Regina’s comments, tells Regina that she can’t go out with her because she’s sick, leading Regina to respond with the now-famous quote, “Boo, you whore.”

This scene is an example of a dense, decentralized communication network. No single member of the foursome dominates the network, and because they can call members of the network independently of another member of the network, this scene is an example of an All-Connected Network. The density of the network supports this example: there are any number of potential connections between the four, as demonstrated in the scene when they call various members independently of a single, information-knowing member.

Additionally, this scene is an example of informal interpersonal communication through both gossip and rumors. The four girls are not communicating effectively, and there are many individual barriers to communication within this exchange. First, the girls all have differing perceptions of each other. Gretchen and Karen believe that Regina is their friend, while Regina’s actions prove otherwise. Regina also believes that Cady is ‘on her side’ so to speak, and doesn’t know that Cady is acting as a middleman to the rest of the girls. Second, there is a myriad of status differences between the girls. Regina is perceived to be the leader, thus making her word law to Gretchen. However, Cady does not see Regina as the leader and sees herself as outside of the network. This outsiderness allows her to be objective to Regina’s gossip and allows her to pass the information on to others without fear of retribution from Regina. Finally, there are different levels of self-interest within the exchange. Gretchen wants to know if Regina is mad at her, while Karen is interested in pleasing Regina until she learns Regina calls her promiscuous. Cady is attempting to sabotage the Plastics with her other friends, Janis and Damian. All these combined lead to a breakdown of communication between the group. However, no one in the group is interested in overcoming the individual barriers to effective communication.

This scene and the rest of Mean Girls is a fascinating look into the exchanges between teenage girls, and the effects they can have on the individual. While the film is a comedy, it shows the misunderstood behavior and communication of one of the most complex organizations in the world: the teenage girl’s clique. While this film may not be viewed as a ‘serious’ topic, the book it is based on certainly is serious, and I believe much can be revealed about organizational behavior and communication within larger, professional organizations if we continue to analyze the relationships and exchanges between teenage girls.

References

Hitt, M. A., Miller, C. C., & Colella, A. (2011). Organizational Behavior: a Strategic Approach
(4th ed.). Chichester: Wiley.

Michaels, L., Fey, T., Waters, M. S., Lohan, L., McAdams, R., Meadows, T., Poehler, A., …
Paramount Pictures Corporation. (2004). Mean Girls. Hollywood, Calif: Paramount. Retrieved from https://youtu.be/hVN7TJRRskQ

Wiseman, R. (2009). Queen Bees & Wannabes: Helping Your Daughter Survive Cliques, Gossip, Boyfriends, and the New Realities of Girl World (3rd ed.). New York: Three Rivers Press.

For ART-296, we had the semester-long task of creating a short documentary to show our class. My documentary, entitled ZOE, looks back at my high school years and my struggles with depression and anxiety and what it means to be “High Functioning.”

I’m incredibly proud of my work. Check it out!

The Development of Conservatism in Regards to Race

By examining Conservatism in regards to race through political and socio-economic development, works by Kruse, Wright Rigueur, and Cadava will show that race was, and is, an inherent factor in the development of the conservative movement. While Cadava writes on both political and socio-economic issues, Kruse and his book White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism^[1] looks at the socio-economic issues facing Atlanta in its desegregation and consequential white exodus to the surrounding suburbs, while Wright Rigueur focuses on the political development of conservatism in her book The Loneliness of the Black Republican: Pragmatic Politics and the Pursuit of Power.^[2] Additionally, while Cadava presents a look at the development of conservatism in regards to Latinx voters, Wright Rigueur and Kruse focus on the historical development of conservatism and race, especially after the Goldwater campaign and its subsequent fallout.

Historically, the political development of the conservative movement is often linked to the relationship between Black voters and Republicans, as outlined in The Loneliness of the Black Republican. Wright Rigueur looks at the active outreach to Black voters, as well as their participation within the Republican party. After the Goldwater campaign, Republicans attempted to reach Black voters and work to include them in the party. Huge strides were made, such as with the election of Massachusetts Senator Edward Brooks. However, time and time again, Black Republicans were passed over for valuable leadership positions, such as with the nomination of Spiro Agnew as Nixon’s vice president, or placed in subordinate “cabinet” positions within the administrations of Reagan and Ford. Time and time again, the loyalty of Black Republicans like Brooks was tested.

However, as Republican outreach towards African-American communities continued, more and more Republicans claimed success in their work. Following Ford’s unsuccessful campaign in 1976, 13 Black Republicans ran in the 1978 midterms, and while only one was elected, Republicans saw this as evidence their outreach was working. Perhaps it was– one elected black official in the Republican party still represents progress and movement for the party as a whole. Furthermore, legislation produced by Black Republicans often benefited all minorities, as well as white people, and were often supported bipartisanly. So while their numbers might be small, the effect that Black Republicans had on legislation still constituted effective outreach, and thus was inherent to the development of political conservatism.

Perhaps this development of conservatism is most apparent in the 2008 election of Barack Obama. Krugman states that Obama’s nomination would never have been possible, claiming “It’s possible today only because racial division, which has driven U.S. politics rightward for more than four decades, has lost much of its sting.”^[3] Krugman states that racial polarization was a dominating force in politics, and that was evident in the administrations of Nixon and Reagan. It is possible that Krugman’s argument could be applied to the work of Black Republicans in developing conservatism– and politics as a whole– allowed for Barack Obama to win the 2008 election.

Furthermore, need for Republican outreach to minorities has continued, especially after the loss of Mitt Romney in the 2012 election. Cadava outlines this need in “The GOP Doesn’t Need Hispanic Outreach—It Needs a Hispanic Takeover”^[4] which follows the 2012 moratorium of the Republican party. According to Cadava, Republicans believe that Latinx voters are “naturally conservative,” and look “nostalgically” at the 2004 election, when 40% of Hispanics voted for George W. Bush.^[5] However, Cadava writes, “[that] none of those superficial solutions will work […] until and unless the GOP confronts the discrimination that persists within its ranks — and the discriminatory effects of its policies.” Cadava then states “Latino conservatives are plotting a takeover of the party, setting the stage for the next major realignment of Republican politics.”^[6] Hispanic and Latinx voters and legislators are willing and ready to transform the Republican party, and in turn, the Conservative movement and perhaps this effort to entice the voting block and regain political control will help rid the political conservative movement of discrimination and bigotry.

In terms of socio-economic conservatism, development has been pushed by integration for economic growth, as outlined in Kruse’s White Flight, or, as Cadava writes in the case of Latinx-Americans, “most up-and-coming Latino Republicans walk in step with new-wave conservatism. They advocate policies indistinguishable from the mainstream or far right elements of their party: pro-growth business measures, lower taxes, smaller government, curtailed entitlements, pro-life, school choice, anti-Affordable Care Act […]”^[7] and today’s rise of the “anti-poverty crusade” in conservatism.^[8] 

In 1952, Atlanta mayor William B. Hartsfield developed a plan for the economic progress and expansion of the city.^[9] Plans were met with the “beginnings of white backlash” as white residents “[revolted] over the ‘loss’ of their neighborhoods, their golf course, their buses, their parks, and their pools.”^[10] This eventually led to an exodus of whites to the surrounding suburbs of Atlanta, in what Kruse describes as “white flight.” White flight perhaps led to the creation of socio-economic conservatism within these exurbs, thereby acting as a catalyst for the development of conservatism.

In fact, it often seems as if white people’s actions are often a catalyst for development within the conservative movement. For example, as the Republican party works on outreach to Hispanic and Latinx voters, more and more bigotry is projected by poor white members of the Republican party, falsely claiming that immigrants are “stealing” their jobs. Conservatives are working on an “anti-poverty crusade” aimed at Hispanic and Latinx voters, but Page advises Republicans to “begin your anti-poverty crusade where Lyndon B. Johnson did 50 years ago, among poor whites.”^[11] Page states that “there are numerically more poor whites in the country than poor Blacks or Hispanics […] the issue became unfortunately colorized in media and public perceptions in the mid-1960s.”^[12] It is possible that Latinx conservatives are turned away by the bigotry of poor whites who believe they are somehow disenfranchised by people of color. This “anti-poverty crusade” coupled with the $10 million dollars the RNC spent on Hispanic outreach in 2014,^[13] the Conservative movement “boasts about its multimillion-dollar fundraising successes and claims responsibility for helping to elect 15 new Latino Republicans in nine states in 2012 alone.”^[14] Money equaled development for Republicans and Conservatives, and their hard work seemed to pay off, until Donald Trump’s campaign in 2016, where he spewed an overwhelmingly negative rhetoric against Hispanics and Latinx, leading them to vote in overwhelming numbers against him.

In conclusion, race is an overwhelming factor in the political and socio-economic development of conservatism. Whether through participation, active outreach, or reactionism, conservatism would not exist as it does today without the polarizing factor of race. Furthermore, political and socio-economic conservatism was not just developed by Black and Latinx Americans, but by the actions of white Americans as well. However, this conclusion may not seem surprising, as race is intrinsically linked to everything in America, whether it be politics, economics, criminology, sociology, or entertainment, and writers such as Cadava, Wright Rigueur, and Kruse stand to prove this.

Bibliography

Cadava, Geraldo L. “The GOP Doesn’t Need Hispanic Outreach—It Needs a Hispanic Takeover.” The Atlantic. May 1, 2013. Accessed December 02, 2016 <http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2013/05/the-gop-doesnt-need-hispanic-outreach-it-needs-a-hispanic-takeover/275401/.>

Cadava, Geraldo L. “Rise of the Conservative Latinos.” OZY. January 4, 2014. Accessed December 02, 2016. <http://www.ozy.com/fast-forward/rise-of-the-conservative-latinos/3864.>

Krugman, Paul. “It’s A Different Country.” New York Times, Jun 09 2008. <http://0-search.proquest.com.sophia.agnesscott.edu/docview/433862708>

Kruse, Kevin M. White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2005.

Page, Clarence. “Memo to GOP: Poverty Isn’t just about Race.” Philadelphia Tribune, April 11, 2014. <http://0-search.proquest.com.sophia.agnesscott.edu/docview/1519848860>

Rigueur, Leah Wright. The Loneliness of the Black Republican: Pragmatic Politics and the Pursuit of Power. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015.