This essay was written for HIS-323: History of Conservatism. In this paper, I analyze the correlation between race and conservatism. It was well-regarded by my classmates and professor.

The Development of Conservatism in Regards to Race

By examining Conservatism in regards to race through political and socio-economic development, works by Kruse, Wright Rigueur, and Cadava will show that race was, and is, an inherent factor in the development of the conservative movement. While Cadava writes on both political and socio-economic issues, Kruse and his book White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism^[1] looks at the socio-economic issues facing Atlanta in its desegregation and consequential white exodus to the surrounding suburbs, while Wright Rigueur focuses on the political development of conservatism in her book The Loneliness of the Black Republican: Pragmatic Politics and the Pursuit of Power.^[2] Additionally, while Cadava presents a look at the development of conservatism in regards to Latinx voters, Wright Rigueur and Kruse focus on the historical development of conservatism and race, especially after the Goldwater campaign and its subsequent fallout.

Historically, the political development of the conservative movement is often linked to the relationship between Black voters and Republicans, as outlined in The Loneliness of the Black Republican. Wright Rigueur looks at the active outreach to Black voters, as well as their participation within the Republican party. After the Goldwater campaign, Republicans attempted to reach Black voters and work to include them in the party. Huge strides were made, such as with the election of Massachusetts Senator Edward Brooks. However, time and time again, Black Republicans were passed over for valuable leadership positions, such as with the nomination of Spiro Agnew as Nixon’s vice president, or placed in subordinate “cabinet” positions within the administrations of Reagan and Ford. Time and time again, the loyalty of Black Republicans like Brooks was tested.

However, as Republican outreach towards African-American communities continued, more and more Republicans claimed success in their work. Following Ford’s unsuccessful campaign in 1976, 13 Black Republicans ran in the 1978 midterms, and while only one was elected, Republicans saw this as evidence their outreach was working. Perhaps it was– one elected black official in the Republican party still represents progress and movement for the party as a whole. Furthermore, legislation produced by Black Republicans often benefited all minorities, as well as white people, and were often supported bipartisanly. So while their numbers might be small, the effect that Black Republicans had on legislation still constituted effective outreach, and thus was inherent to the development of political conservatism.

Perhaps this development of conservatism is most apparent in the 2008 election of Barack Obama. Krugman states that Obama’s nomination would never have been possible, claiming “It’s possible today only because racial division, which has driven U.S. politics rightward for more than four decades, has lost much of its sting.”^[3] Krugman states that racial polarization was a dominating force in politics, and that was evident in the administrations of Nixon and Reagan. It is possible that Krugman’s argument could be applied to the work of Black Republicans in developing conservatism– and politics as a whole– allowed for Barack Obama to win the 2008 election.

Furthermore, need for Republican outreach to minorities has continued, especially after the loss of Mitt Romney in the 2012 election. Cadava outlines this need in “The GOP Doesn’t Need Hispanic Outreach—It Needs a Hispanic Takeover”^[4] which follows the 2012 moratorium of the Republican party. According to Cadava, Republicans believe that Latinx voters are “naturally conservative,” and look “nostalgically” at the 2004 election, when 40% of Hispanics voted for George W. Bush.^[5] However, Cadava writes, “[that] none of those superficial solutions will work […] until and unless the GOP confronts the discrimination that persists within its ranks — and the discriminatory effects of its policies.” Cadava then states “Latino conservatives are plotting a takeover of the party, setting the stage for the next major realignment of Republican politics.”^[6] Hispanic and Latinx voters and legislators are willing and ready to transform the Republican party, and in turn, the Conservative movement and perhaps this effort to entice the voting block and regain political control will help rid the political conservative movement of discrimination and bigotry.

In terms of socio-economic conservatism, development has been pushed by integration for economic growth, as outlined in Kruse’s White Flight, or, as Cadava writes in the case of Latinx-Americans, “most up-and-coming Latino Republicans walk in step with new-wave conservatism. They advocate policies indistinguishable from the mainstream or far right elements of their party: pro-growth business measures, lower taxes, smaller government, curtailed entitlements, pro-life, school choice, anti-Affordable Care Act […]”^[7] and today’s rise of the “anti-poverty crusade” in conservatism.^[8] 

In 1952, Atlanta mayor William B. Hartsfield developed a plan for the economic progress and expansion of the city.^[9] Plans were met with the “beginnings of white backlash” as white residents “[revolted] over the ‘loss’ of their neighborhoods, their golf course, their buses, their parks, and their pools.”^[10] This eventually led to an exodus of whites to the surrounding suburbs of Atlanta, in what Kruse describes as “white flight.” White flight perhaps led to the creation of socio-economic conservatism within these exurbs, thereby acting as a catalyst for the development of conservatism.

In fact, it often seems as if white people’s actions are often a catalyst for development within the conservative movement. For example, as the Republican party works on outreach to Hispanic and Latinx voters, more and more bigotry is projected by poor white members of the Republican party, falsely claiming that immigrants are “stealing” their jobs. Conservatives are working on an “anti-poverty crusade” aimed at Hispanic and Latinx voters, but Page advises Republicans to “begin your anti-poverty crusade where Lyndon B. Johnson did 50 years ago, among poor whites.”^[11] Page states that “there are numerically more poor whites in the country than poor Blacks or Hispanics […] the issue became unfortunately colorized in media and public perceptions in the mid-1960s.”^[12] It is possible that Latinx conservatives are turned away by the bigotry of poor whites who believe they are somehow disenfranchised by people of color. This “anti-poverty crusade” coupled with the $10 million dollars the RNC spent on Hispanic outreach in 2014,^[13] the Conservative movement “boasts about its multimillion-dollar fundraising successes and claims responsibility for helping to elect 15 new Latino Republicans in nine states in 2012 alone.”^[14] Money equaled development for Republicans and Conservatives, and their hard work seemed to pay off, until Donald Trump’s campaign in 2016, where he spewed an overwhelmingly negative rhetoric against Hispanics and Latinx, leading them to vote in overwhelming numbers against him.

In conclusion, race is an overwhelming factor in the political and socio-economic development of conservatism. Whether through participation, active outreach, or reactionism, conservatism would not exist as it does today without the polarizing factor of race. Furthermore, political and socio-economic conservatism was not just developed by Black and Latinx Americans, but by the actions of white Americans as well. However, this conclusion may not seem surprising, as race is intrinsically linked to everything in America, whether it be politics, economics, criminology, sociology, or entertainment, and writers such as Cadava, Wright Rigueur, and Kruse stand to prove this.

Bibliography

Cadava, Geraldo L. “The GOP Doesn’t Need Hispanic Outreach—It Needs a Hispanic Takeover.” The Atlantic. May 1, 2013. Accessed December 02, 2016 <http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2013/05/the-gop-doesnt-need-hispanic-outreach-it-needs-a-hispanic-takeover/275401/.>

Cadava, Geraldo L. “Rise of the Conservative Latinos.” OZY. January 4, 2014. Accessed December 02, 2016. <http://www.ozy.com/fast-forward/rise-of-the-conservative-latinos/3864.>

Krugman, Paul. “It’s A Different Country.” New York Times, Jun 09 2008. <http://0-search.proquest.com.sophia.agnesscott.edu/docview/433862708>

Kruse, Kevin M. White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2005.

Page, Clarence. “Memo to GOP: Poverty Isn’t just about Race.” Philadelphia Tribune, April 11, 2014. <http://0-search.proquest.com.sophia.agnesscott.edu/docview/1519848860>

Rigueur, Leah Wright. The Loneliness of the Black Republican: Pragmatic Politics and the Pursuit of Power. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015.